Across the front pages, the name of President William Ruto dominates. But so does that of his predecessor, Uhuru Kenyatta — a reminder that some of Kenya's most consequential political battles are still rooted in relationships formed more than a decade ago.
The Sunday Nation leads with an unusually personal account from President Ruto, under the headline “My problem with Uhuru.” In an interview with the newspaper, Ruto says he made repeated efforts to repair his relationship with Kenyatta but that those attempts did not succeed. Taifa Leo presents the same development more bluntly, declaring that “Uhuru amekataa handisheki” — Uhuru has rejected a handshake.
The contrast is striking.
The two men once stood together at the centre of Kenya's political establishment. They campaigned as a team in 2013 and 2017, winning two presidential elections under the Jubilee banner. But their alliance eventually fractured, leaving Ruto to build his own political movement while Kenyatta became increasingly associated with efforts to strengthen the opposition and mediate national political disputes. The official presidential record confirms that Ruto and Kenyatta once worked together closely, including the formation of the Jubilee Alliance.
Now, with another election less than a year away, the unresolved relationship has acquired a new political meaning.
Ruto is attempting to consolidate a broad coalition around his re-election campaign. His administration has already confirmed plans to develop a formal Kenya Kwanza-ODM coalition framework and a joint manifesto ahead of the 2027 election.
At the same time, the opposition is attempting to construct its own unity.
The Sunday Nation reports that opposition principals are preparing for a crucial retreat to test whether their alliance can survive the competing ambitions of its leaders. The challenge is familiar in Kenyan politics: bringing together parties that agree on defeating an incumbent can be easier than deciding who should lead the coalition once victory becomes a realistic possibility.
The emergence of new political players makes the equation even more complicated.
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua is continuing to build the Democracy for Citizens Party as a national political vehicle, while Kiharu MP Ndindi Nyoro has left the ruling UDA and joined the People's Party of Kenya, positioning himself within the opposition camp ahead of the election.
That movement is particularly significant in Central Kenya, where several political formations are competing for influence. The Sunday Nation reports renewed pressure on Gachagua's political grip in the region, while other reporting has documented growing competition among parties seeking to become the region's dominant political home.
But while politicians negotiate alliances, another headline raises a much more immediate question: who will keep Kenyans safe when politics turns violent?
The Sunday Standard gives prominent treatment to Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen, describing his recent remarks on political violence as reckless. The newspaper reports that Murkomen dismissed concerns about a nationwide “goon crisis”, even as the issue of political violence has become a growing national concern.
The controversy matters because Kenya's political history has repeatedly demonstrated the danger of allowing campaign competition to descend into organised violence. The concern is not merely theoretical. Recent political confrontations have already generated allegations of attacks and intimidation, prompting renewed debate about the responsibility of the security agencies.
The government's own recent actions show that the issue cannot simply be dismissed. In June, President Ruto received a Kenya National Commission on Human Rights report on protest-related rights abuses and announced that Sh2 billion had been set aside for victims. The President said Kenya needed to confront the culture of violence rather than ignore it.
And then there is the story far removed from State House, party headquarters and political rallies: the classroom.
On Monday, schools are scheduled to reopen for the third and final term of the 2026 academic year. The term is only nine weeks long, with national assessments beginning soon afterwards. The government has confirmed that schools will reopen on August 24, while examinations are scheduled to begin from October 26, including the KCSE examination period from November 2.
Yet the Sunday Nation reports that schools are returning under debt and funding pressure. That is a particularly important reminder that political promises eventually have to be measured against the condition of institutions serving ordinary citizens. The government had earlier promised to release Sh23 billion in capitation before the third term, precisely because delayed funding has repeatedly strained school operations.
This creates the central tension visible across Kenya's Sunday newspapers.
At the political level, leaders are preparing for 2027. Old friendships are being reassessed. New parties are being built. Former allies are changing sides. Coalitions are being negotiated and opposition leaders are trying to discover whether unity is stronger than ambition.
At the institutional level, however, Kenyans are asking more immediate questions.
Will schools have enough money to operate? Will the security agencies prevent political violence rather than respond after it happens? Will political competition remain peaceful? And will the promised economic transformation reach households before the next campaign begins?
President Ruto has repeatedly argued that Kenya needs to think beyond individual political cycles. In his July national address, he called for a new national development vision to succeed Vision 2030 and urged Kenyans to build institutions and policies that can survive changes of government.
That ambition now faces its greatest test.
The headlines of August 23, 2026, suggest that Kenya is entering the decisive phase of the 2027 political contest. But they also reveal something deeper: the election will not be fought only over who occupies State House. It will be fought over whether political leaders can manage rivalry without destabilising the institutions on which millions of Kenyans depend.
The story of Kenya's next year, therefore, may not ultimately be about whether Ruto can reconcile with Uhuru, whether Gachagua can consolidate Mt Kenya, whether the opposition can find one candidate, or whether new parties can break through.
It may be about whether, amid all those battles, the country can keep functioning.
For the voter returning a child to school on Monday morning, that may be the headline that matters most.
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Category: Politics · Related Topic: William Ruto
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